SENZA CENSURA N.19
MARCH 2006
editorial
About the perspective
At the present time, this is, generally, the biggest question.
Every political militant, during his experience clashes with the problem of
the prospect; this question determines the real position of every one of us on
the field of the revolution or not.
The current lack of answers to this need often makes unbearable the personal
and political costs imposed by the counter-revolution on those who contest the
present state of things. The same lack can also drive many comrades to retire
in their private, or in a respectable but ultra-specific role, or on positions
more or less compromised with the State. There is no shortcut to give an
answer to this question. Every shortcut only brings to temporary solutions
that are nowadays harmful on the strategic field.
Schematizing, two are the basic reasons of this static situation: the
counter-revolution and the backwardness of the class conflict and organization.
The revolutionary organizations in the last years showed their incapacity to
face the attacks of the counter-revolution on any degree of struggle, because
the counter-revolution is now a basic and strategic element of the present
system of control that destabilizes the forces, the instruments and the
knowledge.
Also the class context is not favourable. In spite of a progressive worsening
of the objective conditions determined by the general increasing of the crisis,
the class front is still confused and disorganized. The communist struggle is
clearly minority in this stage and into class there are too many strong
revisionist and counter-revolutionary elements inherited by the last years.
Those who think possible to create a revolutionary organization out of the
institutional compatibilities in the present time, simply reproposing the
method of the last decades not considering the present reality, risk to make a
mistake that could bring to a loss of precious political and human resources
or to isolation and disaster.
Another important element is the "subjective" one.
We can't deny that the political revolutionary picture in Italy showed many
times its structural trend to sectarianism. If this deleterious logic in some
periods of heavy repression helped this political class to survive, from a
prospective point of view put a real risk on the possibilities of growth and
development of a new situation and outlook.
Without any psychoanalysis, we can see that in these years the work to create
organization increased and helped these sectarian drifts so that many
components of the movement unfortunately link the criticism on sectarianism to
the criticism on organization. This doesn't help the development of any
revolutionary outlook.
We must face up with this situation not denying these subjective and objective
problems, but finding the ways to give a prospect to the militant's political
work.
Face up to reality means to know that in this time is not possible measure us
on the construction of a revolutionary subjectivity that can represent itself
and become a possible point of reference for the vanguard of the movement and
of the class, that can support a suitable action's level for this phase, that
can support the fight with the counter-revolutionary machines. So the energies
must be not spent in vain, searching no short cut, but utilizing them with
attention and caution.
This doesn't mean leave the political and ideological struggle, doesn't mean
follow "majority" logics or the ideas about the "multitude" that aim to
consolidate tactically institutional covers (following old ultra-sectarian
logics).
We are in the minority, this is real. "We" doesn't mean our Editorial Staff or
every political subjectivity that today express itself. The revolutionary
outlook in general is today in the minority.
There is nothing to be proud. We must understand, starting from this
consideration, which is the best help that we can give to the development of
new forms of opposition, of resistance of class organization to resist to the
crisis, in order to create the conditions for the development and the success
of revolutionary organization.
All, with the humble consciousness that the future of the humanity is not
depending only by us, so, we shouldn't follow or force all that happens all
around us, but understand it and support it.
Many times the militants and many so-called "organizations", suffer because
they don't represent the political leadership of the various movements or the
various struggles: we can deduce this kind of frustration by their impetuosity
while they run after these movements or struggles...we think that in this time
the objective conditions of development of the class clash, in Italy and in
the capitalistic west, determines the "natural" political leadership of the
experiences developing where this kind of clash begins or expresses itself.
So, the political components that are not revolutionary (the cooperative or
reformist ones) become leadership because the class dynamics couldn't express
nothing more -and not because the revolutionaries are in the minority!
Must be affirmed that the problem isn't to run after the class events in order
to be hegemony, or at the contrary considering these experiences of movement
useless or harmful because in the long development process of the class
contradictions nothing is totally useless or harmful.
During the fight with the state we were witness of steps that are now
irreversible and that represented objectively an advancing of the entire class
front, quite apart from the specific political results (for example the
no-global movement).
So, what to do?
Its obvious that we, as editing staff, can't establish the right way or answer
to all these questions. But, starting by the collocation that we assumed,
collectively and individually, we want to give a contribute to this kind of
discussion, to find a clear sense to our road and to find a way to transmit
this attempt out of the editing group.
We are believe that a serious contribute to the analysis in order to unmask
imperialistic plans and strategies, globally and locally, and to unmask
revisionist strategies that, pretending to be part of the movement, keep on to
make disasters into class, have a primary importance. This kind of work must
have as referents the political sectors of the movement and of the class,
almost the younger and less indoctrinated people, to give them actual and
in-depth instruments to grow.
But an "ideological" development without a political action is useless. So we
believe that initiative and political propaganda into class, where is possible
to do it, must be developed and supported with any possible effort, because
this work is the only real instrument to understand the development of the
class dynamics, like a fundamental "gym" for the growth of experiences of
social and political reassembling. We are not an action group, so for us this
work means to bring out the work of the single comrades, trying to make a "selection"
(with correct political relations) of what of the experiences that we meet can
be considered interesting, locally and globally.
Finally, another basic work is the support of the experiences of the advancing
class components that develop joint moments of political cooperation based on
correct and productive principles, overcoming every sectarian approach. In our
opinion this means to observe and bring out the development of this kind of
experiences with the highest consideration and if a serious discussion about
the "outlook" and about the subjectivity will develop, we take responsibility
for it, assigning to it a fixed section of our magazine.
In a time in which we all are in "dire straits", a common effort to avoid to
lose precious resources and to avoid to arrive unready at the future
developments of the contradictions of this system in crisis, is a objective
that cannot be set aside. This editing staff will ever make its effort to give
this kind of contribute.